[v][131][132], Six days later, at a meeting on 19 June, Balfour asked Lord Rothschild and Weizmann to submit a formula for a declaration. It has been bitterly attacked in Parliament and is still being fiercely assailed in certain sections of the press. [324] In addition, the British intended to pre-empt the expected French pressure for an international administration in Palestine. On the other hand, it was contemplated that when the time arrived for according representative institutions to Palestine, if the Jews had meanwhile responded to the opportunity afforded them by the idea of a national home and had become a definite majority of the inhabitants, then Palestine would thus become a Jewish Commonwealth. [t], By 13 June 1917, it was acknowledged by Ronald Graham, head of the Foreign Office's Middle Eastern affairs department, that the three most relevant politicians – the Prime Minister, the Foreign Secretary, and the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Lord Robert Cecil – were all in favour of Britain supporting the Zionist movement;[u] on the same day Weizmann had written to Graham to advocate for a public declaration. [78][81] On 3 March, while Sykes and Picot were still in Petrograd, Lucien Wolf (secretary of the Foreign Conjoint Committee, set up by Jewish organizations to further the interests of foreign Jews) submitted to the Foreign Office, the draft of an assurance (formula) that could be issued by the allies in support of Jewish aspirations: In the event of Palestine coming within the spheres of influence of Great Britain or France at the close of the war, the governments of those powers will not fail to take account of the historic interest that country possesses for the Jewish community. [282] He points to an organized pro-Zionist lobby in the United States, which was active at a time when the country's small Arab American community had little political power. A Palestinian court in the West Bank city of Nablus held a session on Monday to look into a lawsuit against the British government over the 1917 Balfour Declaration. La Déclaration Balfour Déclaration officielle du 2 novembre 1917, sous forme de lettre, adressée par Lord Arthur Balfour American Emergency Committee for Zionist Affairs, Zionist Federation of Great Britain and Ireland, a memorandum was circulated to the Cabinet, anti-Jewish pogroms in the Russian Empire, History of Palestine § Restoration of Ottoman control, Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, King–Crane Commission of Enquiry consultation, "J'Accuse! "[97][98][p] At this point the Zionists were still unaware of the Sykes-Picot Agreement, although they had their suspicions. "inability to reconcile the Allies' declared policy of self-determination with the Balfour Declaration, giving rise to a sense of betrayal and intense anxiety for their future"; "misapprehension of the true meaning of the Balfour Declaration and forgetfulness of the guarantees determined therein, due to the loose rhetoric of politicians and the exaggerated statements and writings of interested persons, chiefly Zionists"; "Zionist indiscretion and aggression since the Balfour Declaration aggravating such fears". The ostensible grounds of attack are threefold:(1) the alleged violation of the McMahon pledges; (2) the injustice of imposing upon a country a policy to which the great majority of its inhabitants are opposed; and (3) the financial burden upon the British taxpayer ...[307], His covering note asked for a statement of policy to be made as soon as possible and that the cabinet ought to focus on three questions: (1) whether or not pledges to the Arabs conflict with the Balfour declaration; (2) if not, whether the new government should continue the policy set down by the old government in the 1922 White Paper; and (3) if not, what alternative policy should be adopted.[151]. [311] In June 1924, Britain made its report to the Permanent Mandates Commission for the period July 1920 to the end of 1923 containing nothing of the candor reflected in the internal documents; the documents relating to the 1923 reappraisal stayed secret until the early 1970s. Excerpts from the minutes of these four War Cabinet meetings provide a description of the primary factors that the ministers considered: Declassification of British government archives has allowed scholars to piece together the choreography of the drafting of the declaration; in his widely cited 1961 book, Leonard Stein published four previous drafts of the declaration. 1917 - Déclaration Balfour 1919 - Accord Fayçal-Weizmann 1919 - King-Crane Commission 1920 - Conférence de San Remo 1937 - Commission Peel 1939 - Livre blanc 1947 - Plan de partage 1948 - Indépendance d'Israël 1948 - Résolution 194 de l'ONU 1967 - Résolution 242 des Nations Unies 1978 - Camp David 1988 - Indépendance palestinienne Nevertheless, the declaration aroused enthusiastic hopes among Zionists and seemed the fulfillment of the aims of the World Zionist Organization (see Zionism). Sonnino arranged for the secretary general of the ministry to send a letter to the effect that, although he could not express himself on the merits of a program which concerned all the allies, "generally speaking" he was not opposed to the legitimate claims of the Jews. The conclusion of the report, which was not published, mentioned the Balfour Declaration three times, stating that "the causes of the alienation and exasperation of the feelings of the population of Palestine" included: British public and government opinion became increasingly unfavourable to state support for Zionism; even Sykes had begun to change his views in late 1918. Please refer to the appropriate style manual or other sources if you have any questions. Towards the Administration [the Zionists] adopted the attitude of "We want the Jewish State and we won't wait", and they did not hesitate to avail themselves of every means open to them in this country and abroad to force the hand of an Administration bound to respect the "Status Quo" and to commit it, and thereby future Administrations, to a policy not contemplated in the Balfour Declaration ... What more natural than that [the Moslems and Christians] should fail to realise the immense difficulties the Administration was and is labouring under and come to the conclusion that the openly published demands of the Jews were to be granted and the guarantees in the Declaration were to become but a dead letter? [265], The declaration was first endorsed by a foreign government on 27 December 1917, when Serbian Zionist leader and diplomat David Albala announced the support of Serbia's government in exile during a mission to the United States.

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